By Dorothy B. Fujita-Rony
Traditionally, Filipina/o american citizens were one of many oldest and biggest Asian American teams within the usa. during this pathbreaking paintings of old scholarship, Dorothy B. Fujita-Rony strains the evolution of Seattle as a massive web site for Philippine immigration among global Wars I and II and examines the dynamics of the neighborhood in the course of the frameworks of race, position, gender, and sophistication. through positing Seattle as a colonial city for Filipina/os within the usa, Fujita-Rony finds how networks of transpacific exchange and militarism inspired migration to town, resulting in the early institution of a Filipina/o American group within the region. via the Nineteen Twenties and Nineteen Thirties, a colourful Filipina/o American society had built in Seattle, making a tradition whose participants, together with a few who weren't of Filipina/o descent, selected to pursue recommendations within the U.S. or within the Philippines.Fujita-Rony additionally exhibits how racism opposed to Filipina/o american citizens resulted in consistent mobility into and out of Seattle, making it a middle of a thriving ethnic group within which just some remained completely, given its restricted chances for employment. The booklet addresses category differences in addition to gender relatives, and in addition situates the expansion of Filipina/o Seattle in the nearby background of the yankee West, as well as the bigger enviornment of U.S.-Philippines kin.
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Additional info for American Workers, Colonial Power: Philippine Seattle and the Transpacific West, 1919-1941
56 In the same way that urban centers such as New York City and Boston were affected by their role as entry ports for passenger and cargo trafﬁc from Europe, West Coast ports such as Seattle, San Francisco, and Los Angeles also were signiﬁcant because of their proximity to Asia. 57 American West studies also remind us to consider carefully the role of region in relation to race. Another reason that Filipina/o Seattle is rendered less visible is the city’s particular racial conﬁguration. Unlike in other parts of the American mainland, most people of color in this region prior to World War II were not African Americans or Chicana/os but Asian Americans and Native Americans.
Low tariff schedules designed by the United States Congress regulated commerce between 1902 and 1909. 36 Philippine and American capitalists who wanted to expand and protect the Philippine market for American goods had their interests at stake. 37 The new accessibility of the American market and the growth of internal transportation stimulated the movement of commodities and people. Manila, established as a central city under Spanish colonization, continued to be a vital hub in this process. After the galleon trade concluded in the early 1800s, Manila became the crossroads where more de- 34 Charting the Paciﬁc veloped domestic regions and foreign countries could obtain raw materials, and where manufactured goods could be sold to the Philippine population.
Richard C. Berner argues, for example, that Fort Lawton—where Ruﬁna Clemente Jenkins and Frank Jenkins’s family would eventually settle—was built by the United States Army as a point of departure for forces leaving for the Philippines. Economics and military ambitions for Seattle went hand in hand, as transport ships bringing foodstuffs and other supplies for the soldiers and even hay and oats for horses left for the Philippines from the city’s shipyards. 45 After the United States colonized the Philippines, new demands led to further consolidation of the transportation routes between the two countries.