By Joshua D. Freilich
Freilich makes an attempt to figure out why a few states have larger degrees of defense force job than others. targeting the years 1994-1995, he unearths that cultural factors—not monetary conditions--are relating to degrees of armed forces similar task. specifically, states with reduce degrees of girl empowerment and better degrees of paramilitary tradition have been likely to have extra armed forces teams. Conversely, neither fiscal dislocation/social disorganization nor monetary prosperity/social integration have been regarding the variety of defense force teams at the country point. those findings recommend that courses trying to preempt military formation via supplying fiscal help will no longer be triumphant. as a substitute, such courses needs to confront cultural concerns to boot.
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Additional resources for American Militias: State-Level Variations in Militia Activities (Criminal Justice (Lfb Scholarly Publishing Llc).)
As irrational victims of a sick society” (Gamson 1975: 133). Adorno’s theory maintains that members and followers of extreme social movements are more likely to share a particular ‘authoritarian personality’, as compared to the general population. Individuals with the authoritarian personality are presumed to be submissive people who seek certainty, stereotype others, and join farright groups to satisfy their emotional needs. e, as either all good or all bad” (121; see also Adorno, Brunswick, Levinson, and Sanford 1950; Ebata 1997; Fromm 1941; Hixson, Jr.
In particular, resource mobilization theory claims that society is structured in such a way that established groups, which are inside the polity structure, have routine and low cost access to societal resources. These groups rely on lobbying and conventional politics to protect their 34 American Militias privileged position from incursions by other groups. Those on the bottom of the social structure, in contrast, are outside the polity and are denied regular access to routine political activity.
McCarthy and Zald (1987) further contend that individuals with higher levels of education are more likely to support a social movement in that “1) the higher the education, the more likely the giving of time, and 2) people who give more time to volunteer activities also give more money” (157). , time, money, and leadership skills) to do so. McCarthy and Zald (1987) also note the importance of professional organizers in the formation of social movements. It is asserted that these individuals, who financially support themselves from their social movement activity, are the ones who, not only establish and direct the social movement, but also conduct the fund raising among third parties that is necessary for the success of the social movement.