By Theo Papas
State. Freedom. Democracy.
How a lot may you sacrifice to guard them?
480 B. C.
Proud Xerxes, Emperor of Persia and King of Kings, invades Greece with one million squaddies. He instructions millions of ships and is supported via dozens of allies, between them the fascinating Queen Artemisia.
Against him stand a number of Greek combatants and decided males - Leonidas and his 300 Spartans on dry land, the personification of bravery and patriotism; and Themistocles and the fleet of Athens at the sea, the incarnation of ingenuity and method.
Can they cease him?
WAR. HEROISM. SELF SACRIFICE. VICTORY.
An epic booklet concerning the first nice conflict in heritage, a conflict that determined the destiny of humanity, western civilization and democracy.
A tricky yet deeply human novel approximately honor, dignity and tragic love overwhelmed among the blade of a sword and the blood of conflict.
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Additional info for 300: The Empire
Murray 1980, 254: " Kleisthenes 'took the peo ple into his pa rty' . . , Sealey 1976, 147; Bury and Meiggs 1975, 36; and especially M . O stwald in The Cambridge Ancient History, 2d cd. (1988), 4:305-7. The modern account of the revolution closest in spirit to the one 1 offer here is per haps Meier 1990 , 64-66. 36 CHAPTER 4 Having advocated the study of historieal events, and having simultaneo usly rejected the individual intentions of the e1ite lead er as the motor th at necessarily drives events, l shall go one step furth er out on th e limb by suggesting that the moment of the revolution , the end of the a rcha ic phase of Athe nian politic al history, the point at which Ath enian dem ocracy was born , was a violent, lead erless event: a three-day riot in 508 /7 that resulted in the removal of Kin g Cleomen es l and his Spartan troops from the soil of Attica.
C . and over th e Persian s in 490 and 480- 479, and with th e imp erial wa rs of th e mid-fifth cent ury. This contras t ha s, 1 think, enco uraged th e development of an Erroneou s Implied Argument (ElA): Strong, vibrant dem ocracies ar e universally successful in th eir foreign-policy initiatives; losing wars is a sign of civic declin e. C. , Massé 1962, 1973. But see Chapt er 1, note Il. Strauss 1991, 2 14- 17. See, further, O ber 1994. 30 CHAPTER 3 Athens mu st have been utterly demoli shed by the defeat.
They imply th at the main Athenian players in the revolt were corp orate entities: the boulé and the dem os. ê ln the case of othe r historical figures, for example Solon , proponent s of this elite-centered Great M an appraach ta history can at least daim support in the primary sour ces. But although he is regard ed by the sources as the drivin g force behind imp ort ant political reforms, Cleisthen es is not describ ed in our sources as a Solon-style lawgiver (nomothetës). 4) calls him tou dëmou prostatës (the lead er who stands up before the people) and, though the label is anachronistic for the late sixth century, it seems to me a pretty reaso nable descripti on of Cleisthenes' historical rai e: like later Athenian politicians, Cleisthenes' lead ership was not dependent on constitutional autho rity, but rather up on his abi lity to persuad e the Athenian people to ado pt and to act on the proposals he advocated .